Iran - United States Policy Toward Iran: a Dossier

official
Human Rights and Democratic Reform in Iran "Almost two years after Iran’s disputed presidential election, Iranian authorities continue to harass, arbitrarily detain, torture and imprison their citizens, as well as some of ours." Assistant Secretary Posner (May 11)


Sanctions on Iran: "The intent of sanctions on Iran is to pressure it to comply with its international obligations." Deputy Secretary Steinberg (May 24)
A nuclear-armed Iran would severely threaten the security and stability of a part of the world crucial to our interests and to the health of the global economy. It would seriously undermine the credibility of the United Nations and other international institutions, and seriously weaken the nuclear nonproliferation regime at precisely the moment when we are seeking to strengthen it.
These risks are only reinforced by the wider actions of the Iranian leadership, particularly its longstanding support for violent terrorist groups like Hizballah and Hamas; its opposition to Middle East peace; its repugnant rhetoric about Israel, the Holocaust, 9/11, and so much else; and its brutal repression of its own citizens.
In the face of those challenges, American policy is straightforward. We must prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. We must counter its destabilizing actions in the region and beyond. And we must continue to do all we can to advance our broader interests in democracy, human rights, peace and economic development across the Middle East.
President Obama has made clear repeatedly that we will stand up for those rights that should be universal to all human beings, and stand with those brave Iranians who seek only to express themselves freely and peacefully. The simple truth is that a government that does not respect the rights of its own people will find it increasingly difficult to win the respect that it professes to seek in the international community. - William J. Burns, Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, December 1, 2010

The status of women in India

"You can tell the condition of a nation by looking at the status of its women"
- Jawaharlal Nehru

FOR A country that registers two million cases of female infanticide and nearly 5000 dowry deaths ever year, the less spoken on the status of its women, the better. On the face of it, the current president’s 'greetings and felicitations (on the occasion of International Women’s Day) to all Indian women for shaping the destiny of the country rings hollow. Looking back we find an ancient Bharat set up on the principles laid down by Manu who saw women as 'worthy of worship'. Even today most of the Hindu deities are female figures that are hailed as 'mata' or 'maa'. But that is about it. Steer away from the altars and come down to the concrete houses to find a very different reality.
The country can boast of a decade of reforms. But of what consequence? Most of these programmes remain limited to the urban population. The rural belts as well as the unskilled urban wage workers go unnoticed and unaffected. The government has proposed and launched a number of programmes for the empowerment of women, including the observance of the year 2001 as the year of women’s empowerment. It was said,"Our vision in the new century is of a nation where women are equal partners with men." Many new projects were launched like Swa Shakti and Stree Shakti for women's empowerment; Swayamsidha to benefit 100,000 women through micro-credit programmes and Balika Samridhi Yojana for the girl child. However, apart from a lot of hoopla and the accompanying verbal diarrhoea, not much was registered. There are those who point to an unfounded development in the social position of women through the achievements of the likes of Indra Nooyi. However, one swallow alone doesn’t make a summer. We cannot deny that there have been changes. These changes have been limited to the upper crust of the social order. What we need to realise is that any new programme has to overcome the centuries-old hold of subjugation and marginalisation of women.
There has been an alarming rise in the atrocities committed against women. While the constitution guarantees equal opportunity, patriarchy asserts itself through legal loopholes to consolidate the age-old domination. India has a long history of activism for women's welfare and rights. A range of government programmes have been launched to increase economic opportunity for women, although there appear to be no existing programmes to address the cultural and traditional discrimination against women. Be it education, health care, nutrition, property rights, acknowledgment of labour or life security, women find themselves at the lower rungs of the ladder.
Gender-based violence in the form of rape, domestic violence, honour killing and trafficking in exacts a heavy toll on the mental and physical health of affected women. Increasingly, gender-based violence is being recognised as a major public health concern and a serious violation of basic human rights. According to a UN report, on an average, one rape happens every hour in India. Delhi is the sexual-crime capital. The reason for such statistics, according to many is the inefficacy of India’s rape laws. Women’s rights groups allege that the narrow and conservative outlook of Indian society is responsible for the lackadaisical attitude of authorities and the confidence of wrong doers. Indian families are closed to the concept of sex as a topic of discussion and hence avoid highlighting it in any way and rendering steps towards justice ineffectual. Around 60 to 70 per cent of cases of rape go unreported. The reasons are well known. To get a conviction, the victim has to prove in front of an open court that she was sexually penetrated by the rapist. Add to this the social stigma of the whole incident. In many cases, such girls/women are even unable to get husbands. They are shunned and ostracised by the society and if already married, even deserted. Of the few reported cases, convictions are rare.
A 2005 United Nations report said that around two-thirds of married women in India were victims of domestic violence and one incident of violence translates into women losing seven working days in the country. “Discrimination against girl child is so strong in the Punjab State of India that girl child aged two to four die at twice the rate of boys,” quotes a 2002 UNIFEM document.
The problem is not only external but intrinsic too. The socio-psychological makeup of most rural and many urban women has been shaped and moulded by more than a century of patriarchal beliefs and a family system where the man (in form of father or husband) is the equivalent of God. The feeling of inferiority has been embedded in their psyche so much so that far from condemning acts of violence against them they are more likely to throttle the voices in favour of them. This is part of the clichéd vicious circle of illiteracy and social backwardness that accounts for all the resultant backwardness of the gender.
Unless social activism groups take these factors into consideration and delve deeper into the social realm of this problem, there is little that can be done. The government, police and the related authorities need to understand the poignancy of their role. Most of all, men and women need to be aware of the much hyped equality of sexes and need to respect the same. Since ours is not a gender-stratified society in the literal sense, both sexes need to learn how to live in co-operation and harmony. The patriarchal heads of society need to answer what the poet PB Shelley asked centuries ago - “Can man be free if woman be a slave?”

Current Status of Women in India

According India’s constitution, women are legal citizens of the country and have equal rights with men (Indian Parliament). Because of lack of acceptance from the male dominant society, Indian women suffer immensely. Women are responsible for baring children, yet they are malnourished and in poor health. Women are also overworked in the field and complete the all of the domestic work. Most Indian women are uneducated. Although the country’s constitution says women have equal status to men, women are powerless and are mistreated inside and outside the home.


India is a society where the male is greatly revered. Therefore women, especially the young girls, get very little respect and standing in this country. The women of the household are required to prepare the meal for the men, who eat most of the food. Only after the males are finished eating, can the females eat. Typically the leftover food is meager, considering the families are poor and have little to begin with. This creates a major problem with malnutrition, especially for pregnant or nursing women. Very few women seek medical care while pregnant because it is thought of as a temporary condition. This is one main reason why India’s maternal and infant mortality rates are so high. Starting from birth, girls do not receive as much care and commitment from their parents and society as a boy would. For example a new baby girl would only be breast fed for a short period of time, barely supplying her with the nutrients she needs. This is so that the mother can get pregnant as soon as possible in hopes of a son the next time (Coonrod).

Even though the constitution guarantees free primary schooling to everyone up to 14 years of age (Indian Parliament), very few females attend school. Only about 39 percent of all women in India actually attend primary schools. There are several reasons why families choose not to educate their daughters. One reason is that parents get nothing in return for educating their daughters. Another reason is that all the females in a household have the responsibility of the housework. So even though education does not financially burden the family, it costs them the time she spends at school when she could be doing chores. In addition, even if a woman is educated, especially in the poorer regions, there is no hope for a job. Most jobs women perform are agricultural or domestic which do not require a formal education. Another reason girls are not educated is because families are required to supply a chaste daughter to the family of her future husband. With over two-thirds of teachers in India being men and students predominately male, putting daughters in school, where males surround them all day could pose a possible threat to their virginity (Coonrod).

Because women are not educated and cannot hold a prestigious job, they take on the most physically difficult and undesirable jobs. A typical day for a woman in an agricultural position lasts from 4am to 8pm with only an hour break in the middle. Compared to a man’s day, which is from 5am to 10am and then from 3pm to 5pm. Most women are overworked with no maternity leave or special breaks for those who are pregnant. Plus women do the majority of the manual labor that uses a lot of energy compared to the men who do mostly machine operating (Coonrod). Even though women work twice as many hours as men, the men say that “women eat food and do nothing.” This is mainly because the work the women perform does not require a lot of skill and are smaller tasks.
http://global_india1.tripod.com/current.htm

OUR INDIA

An ouspicious star of the future


indicating the World

A country so "Divine"

A glinpse from the Heaven

Its only our India

Its only our India.

--------Mrs. Indu Khairnar

A CRUEL JOKE ON THE POOR: The new criteria for judging poverty are disgraceful and unrealistic

by SMT. PUSHPA BHARGHAVA
Whether someone is poor or not would depend on the criteria we lay down for defining poverty. Therefore, let us examine these criteria, accepted by the Planning Commission and approved by the Union Cabinet, closely.

“The income limit for house-holds for qualifying as a beneficiary under the BPL (Below Poverty Line) list has been pegged at about Rs.27,000/- per annum, according to the methodology approved by the Union Cabinet on the 19th May,” reports The Hindu of the 21st May. This means that a per capita income of Rs.14.80 (say, Rs.15) per day in a family of five would take you above the poverty line and thus, place you in the category of the “affluent” who would not require special schemes , support and subsidy from the state.
To be fair to the Government, Rs.15 per day per person is the cut off point only for village dwellers. City dwellers would be regarded as being poor only if they spend less than Rs.19.3 (say, Rs.20) per day per person (Times of India, New Delhi, 11th May 2011, page 16).
In fact, PC has even suggested how one may live comfortably in the above amounts ( see table).

Let us look at these figures closely. The rates I am giving below are approximate, for the city I live in (Hyderabad) and for the cheapest, unadulterated, usable products in the open market from which a person will have to buy if he/she is above the poverty line.
It is incredible that PC recommends an expenditure of just Rs. 467 per year per person on clothing. With this sum an Indian woman would not be able to buy even two sarees, two petticoats and two blouses whereas the minimum requirement for an Indian woman per year is three sarees, four blouses and two petticoats.

The amount recommended by PC for education to put one above the poverty line would be, for two children, Rs.93 per month for a family of five. This would include fees, books, stationary, school bag and all other charges that the school may demand. This amount is a very small fraction of what the Government, it appears, will be willing to pay to private schools per poor child per month under the Right to Education Act.
The allowance for footwear - Rs.72 per year per person - is just as unrealistic. Tell me a place from where I can get a footwear that will last me for five years, for Rs. 360. And remember, for children, you will need to buy a footwear every year. For entertainment, PC has made a provision of Rs. 6.6 per month per person, the cheapest movie ticket in Hyderabad costs Rs. 10 per person.
Let us now look at what would be left - that is, about Rs.8 per person per day or Rs.1200 per month for a family of five - for other expenditure if you have just crossed the poverty line.
A bus pass in Hyderabad for five for a whole month will cost Rs.2500. Milk is approximately Rs.29 per kg. Even if you give 300 g (as per NIN's recommendation) of milk per day, it will cost you Rs.522 per month. I leave it to the readers to judge what accommodation - just one room, kitchen and a bath of the lowest standard - would cost in a city like Hyderabad. And then, expenses on health, electricity and water would also have to be met out of the balance of Rs.1200 per month for the whole family; the minimum fee that a doctor charges in Hyderabad is Rs. 100 per visit. Further, where would the money come from for the minimum capital expenditure on say, kitchen utensils and furniture required for sleeping, studying and cooking? A small bedsheet will today cost a minimum of Rs.200.
Seventy per cent of India still lives in the rural sector. According to PC, only 41.8% of those living in the rural sector would be considered poor; this would mean 29.26% of Indian population.
Similarly, according to PC's norms, 25.7% of the Indian population that lives in urban areas would be below the poverty line. As 30% of India lives in such areas, this would mean that 7.71% of the Indian population in the urban sector would be considered below the poverty line. Thus, even for PC, India has 29.26% + 7.71%, that is 36.97% (say 37%) poor people which is much lower than far more sensitive and reliable estimates.
Even 37% is a disgrace but what is worrying is that the Government would continue to decrease this figure by playing with numbers, instead of engaging in developmental activities judiciously coupled with various kind of assistance to enable those who are truly below the poverty line, become capable of pushing themselves progressively above the poverty line.
It is a moot question as to why, instead of opening new Government hospitals and making the existing Government hospitals more viable and patient-friendly, or improving the lot of Government schools, the Government has decided to pay private hospitals and schools for taking care of poor people.

The writer is Founder Director, Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology,Hyderabad and former Vice Chairman, National Knowledge Commission

poem by kartar singh sarabha

WHO WE ARE

If anyone asks who we are



Tell him our name is rebel


Our duty is to end the tyranny


Our profession is to launch revolution


That is our namaz, this is our sandhya


Our puja, our worship


This is our religion


Our work


This is our only Khuda, our only Rama.

poem by me in punjabi but in roman script....

angareyan te chall ke vi jeen da ik tarika hunda hai

ki hoya je asi ji na sake fullan di sej ban ke

sade dill ch ubaal si ke ladaange haqan layi apne

te jiyange sari duniya nu apna mann ke

ayega waqt jad kise di akh ch na hanju hoyega

uch neech tur jayegi jagg ton samaan bann ke

LIVING LIFE IN FEW WORDS AS PER ME..

KNOWING the life is as difficult as not even living it..there are various ups and downs.Time doesn’t remain same and so are the situations.whenever you are feeling in the worst state suddenly something may happen that will change the situation from worst to best.So what is it and what it want and what it mean are all the questions that are better not to be looked at..Life is something to be lived.



AT many points in your life you come across the phase when you just want to end up your life and trust me its not only the poor or less privileged strata but this feeling is common to all.Ultimately everyone is a human and thus have to go through the humane feelings.


WHENEVER I WAS SAD OR SUFFERING I HAD MY STRONG AND CARING PARENTS AND MY BELOVED BROTHER ALWAYS BY MY SAD.SO I WAS LUCKY IN THAT ASPECT.THEY HAVE BEEN NO DOUBT A MUCH STRONG PILLAR OF STRENGTH THAN ONE CAN DESIRE FOR.


But everyone may not be that fortunate to have someone alive or even if alive then that caring what I want to say is that even if you are not that fortunate to have support,look at those who are in even worse condition and life than what you are and among them many infact most have fared well and so can you do.You have resources better in quantity and quality than many and thus if efficiently used sky is the limit for you.


Read it somewhere in the novel of punjabi..”MAR TOU HAR KOI SAKTA HAI..JI HAR KOI NAHI SAKTA” So have the desire to live and live it the way only you can.never feel bad when you get worst never surrender just stand tall against all..No1 can empathise you completely and in real sense in this mean world no1 will like to empathise beyong certain limit.Stop looking at anyone and make full use of the life you get..as my friend manas quoted life is coin to toss..but u can use it only once….

Managing growth with forests

from newspaper:
A recent report "Forests in a Green Economy" by the UN Environment Programme examines the critical role of forests and provides policy recommendations for sustainable development and poverty eradication. Excerpts:



Economic progress and human well-being are dependent on healthy forests. Forests serve as carbon sinks and stabilise global climate, regulate water cycles and provide habitats for biodiversity while hosting a wide variety of genetic resources. Economic valuation studies conducted in different countries have demonstrated the important benefits form forests, in particular for climate regulation services and existence values.

The Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Natons (FAQ) estimated that the forest industry contrirbuted approximately US$ 468 billion or 1 per cent of gobal gross value added to global GDP in 2006. Pulp and paper represented about 40 per cent of this contribution. A review of 54 case studies, over half of which were from Eastern and Southern Africa, estimated that the average annual income from forests

amounted to 22 per cent of  household income.
Forests also provide an essential source of cash, especially during poor harvests. The Centre for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) estimates that families living in and around forests derive an average of one-fifth to one-fourth of their income from forests-based resources.
In many countries, non-timber forest products (NTFPs) contribute prominently to local economies and livelihoods and are important exports. NTFPs include food, plants products, medicine, aromatic products and exudates such as tannin extract and raw lacquer. FAQ (2005) estimated that the value of NTFPs extracted from forests worldwide amounted to US$ 18.5 billion in 2005. It underscored these as lower bound values because of incomplete data.

Forests also provide employment. Although the figures range widely, studies show that more than a billion people depend on forests for incomes and employment. Much of this may be in the informal sector: a recent study by CIFOR on informal timber production in Cameroon estimates that 45,000 people earn their living from such production in the country.
Nutrition for the poor
Globally, forested watersheds, wetlands and mangrove ecosystems provide nutrition to poor households. In addition to sustaining freshwater and coastal fisheries, food sources including NTFPs such as fruits, nuts, honey, and mushrooms are an important source of nutrition. A 2008 review of bush meat affirmed that rural communities in Central Africa obtained a critical portion of their protein and fat from forests.

More than 2 billion people depend on wood energy for cooking, heating and food preservation. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), in 2005, biomass energy accounted for an estimated 10 per cent of energy use. More than 83 per cent of this is used in less developed countries. In many developing countries biomass accounts for more than 50 per cent of total energy use. Halting tropical deforestation and planting new forests could represent the mitigation potential equivalent of doubling current global nuclear energy capacity or constructing two million new wind turbines. Unfortunately, the values and services that forests render are rarely captured in national accounting systems.

Despite the considerable value of forests, deforestation is rampant. The world's forested area is declining both in absolute terms (deforestation) and in net terms (taking account of forest planting and natural expansion), although at a slower rate than in previous decades. On average, 13 million hectares of tropical forests (an area the size of Greece) are disappearing annually. This is equivalent to approximately six billion tonnes of carbon dioxide being released into the atmosphere, contributing up to one-fifth of global greenhouse gas emissions.
These global trends conceal important regional variations. Over the past decade, forest cover stabilized in North and Central America and expanded in Europe. Forest cover expanded in Asia, mainly due to large-scale afforestation in China, which offset continued deforestation in South-East Asia. Africa and South America experienced the largest net loss of forests during this period.
These figures also mask the loss of natural forests. The general global trend is that natural forests and modified natural forests are decreasing while the planted forest area is increasing. Forty million hectares of natural forests have been lost since 2000. The loss of natural forests implies important and critical losses in biodiversity and decreasing forest ecosystem resilience against climate change.

Today, investments in forests remain low and forest-related activities are predominantly extractive. Over the last two decades, agricultural expansion and timber extraction were the main proximate causes of tropical deforestation.
This pressure is likely to worsen with increasing population, rising incomes and a shift toward meat-based diets. Additionally, market failures increase the likelihood of exploitation without considering the full range of forests goods and services. The Eliasch Review (2008) estimates that the net present value of reduced climate change benefits associated with emission reductions from halving deforestation from 2010 to 2100 is US$ 3.7 trillion on average. It also finds that the average benefit from halving deforestation exceeds average costs by a factor of more than three.
The forest transition theory

A.S. Mather (1992) presents a 'forest transition theory' to explain the growth of planted forests. The study uses on Thunen's rent theory to explain different stages of forest development. It states that as countries develop, forest land is converted to other land uses, agriculture in particular. The process accelerates as infrastructure improvements open up frontier forest areas and make timber extraction and agriculture economically viable. Over time, as timber becomes scarce, off-farm employment opportunities become available. As the economy develops, a series of policy adjustments are made in response to increased profitability of forest management and forest creation. Consequently, the area of forest cover starts to increase again.
Such a transition has been observed in many developed countries and some developing nations. The forest transition theory underscores the central role that informed policy can play in ensuring that forestry services are appropriately valued.
New approaches to plantation
Intensively managed planted forests are highly productive plantations primarily intended to produce wood and fibre. There are around 25 million hectares of intensively managed planted forests worldwide, representing one-quarter of plantation forests and almost 0.2 per cent of the global land area. They generally comprise tropical 'fastwood' plantations of acacia and eucalyptus, as well as temperate conifers.
The New Generation Plantations Project led by WWF collects information and experience from tree plantations in a range of forest landscapes that are compatible with biodiversity conservation and human needs. This project is exploring how forest and plantation management can maintain and enhance ecosystem integrity and forest biodiversity.
New approaches to plantation management can also enhance biodiversity at the stand level. During the 1960s and 1970s, Brazil's Atlantic rainforest, Mata Atlantic, was deforested at an accelerated rate due to logging of valuable tree species for saw milling and subsequently cleared for cattle grazing.
Not for markets
Forests contribute substantially to local, national and global economies. They can contribute to a low-carbon, high-growth, socially inclusive and equitable, adaptive and low scarcity green economy through their multiple functions and improved management. Forests are also a source for low-carbon raw material and energy, and offer a full range of services for many sectors, human well-being, and climate change mitigation and adaptation.
To realise contributions from forests in a green economy, specific enabling conditions are required. Informed policy-makers recognise that forest management cannot be left entirely to markets because these are often imperfect or absent. Consequently, to fully realise benefits of forests in a green economy, governments will need to take an active role.
Governments and the international community need to undertake policy reforms to create incentives to maintain and invest in forests and introduce disincentives to modify market signals and associated rent-seeking behaviour.

Green India Mission’ to Increase Forest Cover

BY DILIP GHOSH
A 45,000 crore rupees huge programme to increase the country’s green cover is going to be launched soon. The 10 year long programme named Green India Mission, GIM after a preparatory phase of one year will get going from 2012. Addressing a series of functions on the occasion of the World Environment Day on 5th June this year, the Minister for Environment and Forests, Shri Jairam Ramesh said that the target is to bring 5 million hectares of forest and non-forest land under green cover and improve the quality of green cover on another 5 million hectare of non-forest land.



Recalling late Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi’s initiative in 1985 to bring 5 million hectares of waste land under green cover every year, Shri Ramesh admitted, “ We are far behind from the original objective” and said that there should be realistic and credible targets this time. There is a difference between the old initiative and the GIM. The Minister said that there will be a fundamental shift in mindset from the traditional focus of merely increasing the quantity of forest cover, towards increasing the quality of forest cover and improving provision of ecosystem services. Unlike the earlier initiative, the GIM will be implemented by Gram Sabhas with the technical and managerial support of the forest personnel. Now money will directly go to the Gram Sabhas and not through forest departments of State Governments. The Minister said “The need for us is to ensure that it should be seen as a programme of local elected bodies.” He said, the restructured Joint Forest Management Committees, JFMCs would play an important role in this.


Again, there will be real time monitoring of forests under this program instead of just expenditure monitoring. The Indian Space Research Organisation, ISRO will soon launch a series of satellites specially dedicated to monitoring the forest cover. The satellites will revolutionise the monitoring system and help make sensible conclusions about work and progress of forestry programs.
But, the GIM is not merely a plantation program. Its another important aspect is to eliminate poverty. It will address livelihood problems of about 15 million poor people. While addressing the livelihood problems of the poor people, it will also ensure implementation of the Forests Rights Act. Besides, under it, the community youth will be trained to maintain and take forward the fruits of investment in this mission. A senior official of the Ministry of Environment and Forests said, in forestry sector results are not seen in short term; they become apparent only in long term. He said, GIM’s impact could be seen not only in forest areas, but also in wetlands, urban areas, natural eco-systems and grasslands.


The government is hopeful of meeting the GIM’s targets in time as in the past few years the country’s green cover has been steadily rising. According to State of Forests Report 2009 of the Ministry which is based on satellite imagery up to 2007, in the preceding 10 years, India’s forest cover increased by 3.31 million hectares, showing an average 0.46% increase every year. At present, about 21.02% of the country's geographical area is under green cover. This is a surely commendable achievement when many countries are losing sizeable chunks of forests; for example Brazil which is losing 2.5 million hectares of forests every year.


There is another reason for hope of meeting the GIM targets. Spurred by the need to become eco-friendly and to survive in harmony with the environment, a trend of going green is now fast catching up across the globe and it is reflected in the changing life style of people. India has enrolled itself to join this new trend and pass out with the best result possible. In fact, many of the country’s industrial houses have already initiated green drive. Some State Governments are also in the green mode. The Delhi Government has introduced ‘Energy Conservation Building Code to give clear instructions on construction of new government buildings.


The trend is also catching up with the public. In the country’s fashion industry, many designers now work on environment-friendly clothing and showcase their support for the 'green' cause during fashion weeks. Natural fabrics like hand-woven wool from shepherds, natural silks, recycled junk jewellry, organic knits, etc are being widely used. Fashion designers like Rohit Bal, cine stars like Shah Rukh Khan, Abhishek Bachchan and Priyanka Chopra and sportsmen like Abhinav Bindra and M S Dhoni have joined various Green campaigns.


A shining example of going green has been set up by the villagers of Mawlynnon, situated 90 km away from the Meghalaya capital, Shillong . It has won the distinction of being the cleanest village in Asia. The village has over 80 houses of which every adult member is a green ambassador who keep his surroundings clean by doing simple voluntary service like sweeping the roads and lanes, watering the plants and cleaning the drains.


But, India is not only setting examples of going green but also continuing with fast economic growth. It is now the Government’s endeavour to have a balanced approach so that both the drives can go hand in hand. On this year’s World Environment Day, Environment and Forests Minister, Shri Ramesh released a United Nations Environment Programme, UNEP report on ‘Forests in a green economy’ in New Delhi. In his speech on the occasion, he said that with the rise in economic growth and population, the energy needs of the country are bound to grow. Keeping this in view, the government has adopted a “balanced approach” on its nuclear and other power programs. He added, "Forest cover should be 33% in India. To accomplish this, area would have to be reclaimed from the sea while we increase the monitoring of the forest cover." The UNEP report has called for a global investment of 40 billion dollars annually to bring down the deforestation rate to half of the present by 2030. India has heeded to the advice and making adequate investment to secure the future of its citizens as well as those of the globe.

Defence Research & Development Organisation: Recent Achievements at a Glance

DRDO has made many significant achievements during the recent past, including the last year. Many important systems were inducted/accepted by the services. The production value of systems based on technologies developed by DRDO (inducted/accepted/orders placed) during the past one decade is well over Rs.1,10,000/- crores.



Agni, the 3500 km range ballistic missile was successfully launched with user’s participation. Training flights were held by the users for various missiles that are already inducted. These included two flight tests each of Agni – I, Agni – II and Dhanush (from naval ships) and five flights of Prithvi II (P– II). Orders worth over Rs. 25000 crores for surface-to-air missile- AKASH have been placed by the users. These include 8 squadron for IAF and 2 regiments for the Army. Successful flight tests of Endo-Atmospheric Interceptor for 2000 km class target were carried out. Each flight led to a direct target hit and disintegration of the target. Capabilities of NAG, the third generation anti-tank missile, which is a vehicle mounted system was demonstrated in a series of user trials. Advanced versions of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, the only one of its kind in the world, were developed and flight-tested. Thus, BrahMos block II with target discrimination precision strike capabilities was test-fired. Similarly, BrahMos block III with capability for steep diving from high altitudes and high maneuvers at multiple points during supersonic flight. Development of advanced missile systems is a continuous effort and requires systematic development of more and more advanced technologies. RLG based Inertial Navigation System was developed, qualified and tested. Active Radar Seeker for advanced missions was developed. A Fibre Optics Gyro was successfully developed and tested on board.


In the area of Aeronautics, Tejas, the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) concluded its extensive flight tests including weapon trials, dropping of bombs, jettisoning drop tanks and night flights; leading to its Initial Operational Clearance (IOC) on 10th January, 2011. Over 1640 flights covering a period of over 969 hours have been completed by Tejas Mark 01. The first prototype of LCA Navy was rolled out and its induction tests were concluded. In tune with changing war of scenario, major thrust has been given to develop Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV). Successful flight trials of RUSTAM-1, a UAV with endurance of 14 hours and altitude ceiling of 8,000 meters demonstrated the capabilities for automated / remotely piloted landing/ take-off and associated technologies. NISHANT, another UAV developed by DRDO was ready for induction by the Army. A medium sized aerostat based platform was developed for surveillance applications. A novel method was developed and flight-tested for an in-flight structural monitoring of the manned as well as unmanned aircraft structures. The scheme was flight tested on a NISHANT UAV. Besides, over 100 test flights of a 3,000 gram Micro Aerial Vehicle (MAV) designed and developed by DRDO were carried out. A Laser Seeker Kit – ‘SUDARSHAN’, for 1,000 pound bombs was developed and initial demand for significant number of seekers kits has been received from the users. Major milestones in the indigenous development of fighter aircraft engine was achieved with the completion of “Official Altitude Testing” (OAT) of Kaveri Gas Turbine Engine for simulated operating conditions. Subsequently, the flights of Kaveri engine were successfully carried out on a Flying Test Bed (FTB) proving the technological capability and maturity of the indigenous efforts. This is the first time that an indigenously developed gas turbine engine for fighter aircraft has been flown on a FTB board. DRDO has developed expertise in the field of testing and certification for various components sub-systems and systems as well as complete airborne platforms. Thus, Initial Operational Clearance of LCA and Advanced Light Helicopter MK – III were major activities in this area.


Advanced Active-cum-Passive integrated sonar system HUMSA NG was designed, developed and installed on various ships of Indian Navy. Autonomous Underwater Vehicle (AUV) capable of navigation was demonstrated at sea. A Carbon Dioxide Curtailment System for submarines was designed and developed. The system has been accepted by the user. SANJEEVANI MK II, a device designed and developed to locate victims trapped under the debris was handed over to National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) and Kerala Govt. Fire Services.


An advanced facility was created to undertake full scale processing of large Rocket motors. The facility was commissioned and the casting of various motors commenced. Development of PINAKA – Multi Barrel Rocket Launcher System was achieved with the successful transfer of technology to production agencies, two regiments of PINAKA (worth Rs 1300 crores) have been raised by Army which is likely to place orders for another two regiments. The Transfer of Technology (ToT) for multimode grenade was completed, for which Army has placed an order for 10 lakh grenades. Under Barrel Grenade Launcher (UBGL) for INSAS and AK-47 rifle was introduced into service with order for 10,000 Launchers. The state-of-the-art microcontroller based system Instant Fire Detection & Suppression System (IFDSS) BMP-2/2K developed for providing protection against fire to the troops & engine compartment, was accepted by the Army. Production order worth Rs. 168 crores has been received.






MBT Arjun Mark I was successfully inducted in the Army and two regiments of Arjun Main Battle Tank have been raised. A Carrier Command Post Tracked (CCPT) vehicle was accepted by the Army for induction. A modified Armoured Amphibious Dozer (AAD) completed its user trials. User trials of remotely operated vehicle (ROV DAKSH) were successfully carried out and LSP order for 20 numbers is being executed. Design of Snow Gallery for protection of personnel and equipment from avalanches and design of Instrumented Composite Tower for studies on avalanches were completed.


In the field of electronics and electro-optics, many systems were inducted/accepted by the services. 3D medium range surveillance radar - ROHINI and its naval variant REVATHI were inducted. 3D low-level light weight radar - Aslesha (for IAF) as well as Bharani (for Army) was accepted by the user. The engineered version of upgraded Weapon Locating Radar (WLR – Swathi) developed by DRDO was realized by the production agency. The electronic warfare system SAMYUKTA (naval variant) and SUJAV were inducted. Orders have been received for the Combat Net Radio (CNR) with anti-jamming features. A holographic sight for rifles/carbines was developed for aiming in closed quarter battle role and was accepted by the users.


Even with the most advanced weapon systems, the man behind machine is the most crucial factor in winning the war. The Life Sciences laboratories of DRDO continued to develop technology to maximize the operational efficiency of our soldiers and provide them with adequate support and protection. Some of the major achievements are highlighted. Three mobile laboratories for nuclear, biological and chemical defence were handed over to the user and rigorous training was imparted to them. An upgraded first-aid kit for protection against chemical and biological agents as well as the nuclear radiation were accepted by the services. Technology for producing DRDO developed kits for detection of swine flu was transferred to the production agency. The Combat Free Fall (CFF) protection system to meet the requirements of high altitude paratrooper’s mission requirements was designed developed and is under limited series production. A Submarine Escape Set (SES) for escape from an abandoned submarine from depths of 100m was designed and developed. Navy has projected a requirement of over 400 suits. Greenhouses were established at power plant locations such as Siachen Base camp, Chushul, Battalik etc and an average of 1400 kg vegetables of high nutritive values were produced in each greenhouse by standardizing the practices and procedures. About 5000 MT of vegetables are locally grown for meeting Army’s requirements A Computerized Pilot Selection System (CPSS) was designed, developed and accepted by the Air Force. Series production of systems for deployment at all the Air Force Selection Boards of the IAF is underway. Yoga Training Modules have been developed for toning up cardio-respiratory, respiratory, endocrine and nervous systems to maintain optimum physical fitness and mental health of troops deployed at high altitude extreme climates. Yoga training was provided to over 2000 personnel who were to be deployed at Siachen Glacier. MoU has been signed with Indian Railways for joint development of Biotoilets to be installed in rail coaches. Biotoilets have been installed in Lakshadweep Islands and NE region of India for safe disposal of human waste and MoUs signed with Indian Railways & Min. of Urban Development for installation in rail coaches & homes. MoU with Ministry of Urban Development is under process for joint development of biotoilets and their installation under mass civilian program.


Advanced materials have been always at the core of weapon systems and military hardware. Significant milestones were achieved in this critical area. A low-alloy steel “DMR-1700” with ultrahigh strength and high fracture toughness was developed as a cost effective replacement of 250 grade maraging steel. The alloy was successfully proven by successful demonstration in the intended application. A 500 ton per annum capacity titanium sponge plant based on DRDO technology was set up at Kerala Minerals and Metals Limited (KMML). The Plant was inaugurated by the Hon’ble Raksha Mantri on 27 Feb 2011. Light-weight composite armour for Mi-17-IV helicopter of IAF has successfully undergone integration and flight-trials. Technology developed for vacuum investment casting of gas turbine blades for Kaveri engine was extended for making high pressure turbine blades for land-based gas turbine for power generation. The runways at strategic locations often require rapid repairs. Many of these locations are in extreme cold regions where the normal concrete does not set in easily. Technology for rapid repair of runways in cold regions was developed and successfully demonstrated at sub zero temperature.


A dedicated team of DRDO engineers executed highly specialized nature of Civil works at some of the most difficult and hazardous area within the stipulated time frame. Agreements for co-operation / co-development in frontline areas of science, technology and engineering were signed with several countries.


With “Balasya Mulam Vigyanam” as the mool mantra, DRDO continues its march towards building self-reliance in critical defence technology.

National Social Assistance Program : reaching out to poor

by Atul Tiwari
One of the underlying philosophies behind the pro-people and pro --poor initiatives of the Government enjoins upon the State to undertake series of welfare measures. Article 41 of the Constitution directs the States to provide public assistance to its citizens in case of unemployment, old age, sickness and disablement and in other cases of undeserved want within the limit of its economic capacity and development. Keeping in mind these basic principles the National Social Assistance Program was launched in 1995.



The National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP) then comprised of National Old Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS), National Family Benefit Scheme (NFBS) and National Maternity Benefit Scheme (NMBS). These programs were meant for providing social assistance benefit to the aged, the BPL households in the case of death of the primary breadwinner and for maternity. These programs were aimed at ensuring minimum national standards in addition to the benefits that the States were then providing or would provide in future. NMBS was transferred to Ministry of Health and Family Welfare from 2001-02 and subsumed in Janani Suraksha Yojana. On 1st April, 2000 a new scheme known as Annapurna Scheme was launched. This Scheme aimed at providing food security to meet the requirement of those senior citizens who, though eligible had remained uncovered under the NOAPS. Under Annapurna Scheme 10 kgs of food grains per month is provided free of cost to the beneficiary.


In February 2009 two new Schemes namely Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension Scheme (IGNWPS) and Indira Gandhi National Disability Pension Scheme (IGNWPS) were introduced under NSAP.


Implementation of NSAP Schemes


In 2002-03, NSAP and Annapurna were transferred from Centrally Sponsored Scheme to State Plan. The funds for NSAP and Annapurna are allocated by Planning Commission and are released as Additional Central Assistance by the Ministry of Finance in a combined manner for all the five schemes namely, IGNOAPS, IGNWPS, IGNDPS, NFBS and Annapurna, on the recommendation of the Ministry of Rural Development. NSAP is being implemented by Social Welfare Department in most of the States. In some States it is being implemented by Rural Development Department and in a few by Women and Child Development Department.


In the year 2009-10 budgetary provision for NSAP was Rs.5200 crore, which was increased to Rs.5762 crore for the year 2010-11.


Increase in the Old Age Pension Amount


With the Cabinet giving its nod today, under the on-going Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme for Below Poverty Line (BPL) beneficiaries, the eligibility for pension has now been reduced to 60 years from 65 years at present. In addition the pension amount is being raised from Rs. 200 at present to Rs. 500 per month for those who are 80 years and above. The revised norms would come into effect from 1st April, 2011.


As a result of change in the eligibility criteria for receiving old age pension, eligibility criteria for widow pension under IGNWPS and disability pension under IGNDPS will get revised from 40-64 years to 40-59 years and from 18-64 years to 18-59 years respectively.


It is estimated that lowering of the age limit would benefit about an additional 72.32 lakh persons in the age group of 60-64 years and living below the poverty line. About 26.49 lakh persons above the age of 80 years and living below the poverty line, would become eligible to receive enhanced central assistance @ Rs. 500 per month. At present 1.69 crore persons above the age of 65 years and living below poverty line are receiving central assistance under IGNOAPS.


Under NOAPS Rs. 75 per month was being provided per beneficiary to destitute who were 65 years of age or above. The amount of pension was increased to Rs.200 per month with effect from April 1, 2006 and the States were requested to top up with another Rs.200 from their own resources so that a destitute pensioner could get at least Rs.400 per month. At present, 19 States/UTs are providing Rs.400 or more as pension under old age pension. These are Delhi, Goa (Rs.1000), A&N Islands (Rs.750), Haryana & Chandigarh(Rs.700), Puducherry (Rs. 600),Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman &Maharashtra (Rs.500), Punjab (Rs.450), Gujarat, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu & West Bengal (Rs. 400).


Another 11 States / UTs are providing pension more than Rs.200 and less than Rs.400. These are Himahcal Pradesh (Rs.330), J&K (Rs.325),Chhattisgarh, Nagaland, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Lakshadweep (Rs.300), Madhya Pradesh (Rs.275), Kerala, Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram (Rs.250), The remaining 6 States/UTs are disbursing pension @ Rs.200 p.m. only.


Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme (IGNOAPS)


The Government on 13.9.2007 modified the eligibility criteria for grant of old age pension to persons aged 65 years or higher and belonging to a household below the poverty line according to the criteria prescribed by the Government of India. Thus the pension has been universalized. Under NOAPS, 87.09 lakh beneficiaries were covered during 2006-07. However, with the modification of eligibility criteria to cover all persons of 65 years or higher and living below the poverty line, the number of beneficiaries under Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme (IGNOAPS) has reached to 1.69 crore.


Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension Scheme (IGNWPS)


In February 2009, the Government approved pension to BPL widows in the age group of 40-64 years @ Rs. 200 p.m. per beneficiary. The estimated number of beneficiaries under Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension Scheme (IGNWPS) is 45 lakhs. During 2010-11, 37.98 lakh beneficiaries have been covered till December 2009 under the Scheme.


Indira Gandhi National Disability Pension Scheme (IGNDPS)


In February 2009, the Government has recently launched pension under Indira Gandhi National Disability Pension Scheme (IGNDPS) for BPL persons with severe or multiple disabilities between the age group of 18-64 years @ Rs. 200 p.m. per beneficiary. It is estimated that 15 lakh beneficiaries are to be covered under this scheme. During 2010-11, 7.66 lakh beneficiaries have been covered till December 2010.


National Family Benefit Scheme (NFBS)


At inception, grant of Rs 5000 in case of death due to natural causes and Rs 10,000 in case of accidental death of the "primary breadwinner" was provided to the bereaved household under this scheme. The primary breadwinner specified in the scheme, whether male or female, had to be a member of the household whose earning contributed substantially to the total household income. The death of such a primary breadwinner occurring whilst he or she was in the age group of 18 to 64 years i.e., more than 18 years of age and less than 65 years of age, made the family eligible to receive grants under the scheme. In 1998, the amount of benefit under NFBS was raised to Rs.10,000 in case of death due to natural causes as well as accidental causes. During 2010-11, 2.28 lakh BPL families have benefitted under the Scheme.


Transparency under NSAP
In order to bring transparency in the disbursement of pension to the eligible pension, it has been decided that States should maintain a database of beneficiaries and it should be kept in the public domain. The database would include all necessary details of the beneficiary including photographs. NIC have been entrusted the job of IGNOAPS-MIS. Information can be accessed at NSAP website www.nsap.nic.in.The Budget Estimates for the financial year 2011-12 for the National Social Assistance Program is Rs. 6158 crores. Funds worth Rs. 5300 crores were released in the previous year upto March 2011. About 1.69 crore beneficiaries have been covered by the scheme so far. Slowly but steadily the program is making inroads into the lives of neglected rural poor by providing them a sort of social safety network which would go a long way in reducing their hardships. The efforts will continue and it is expected that the pro-poor and pro-people initiative would bring hopes in the lives of millions of rural people.

Deshbandhu' - Chittaranjan Das

by tarit mukherjee
Chittaranjan Das (1870-1925), whose life is a landmark in the history of India's struggle for freedom, was endearingly called 'Deshbandhu' (Friend of the country). Born on November 5, 1870 in Calcutta, he belonged to an upper middle class Vaidya family of Telirbagh in the then Dacca district. His father, Bhuban Moban Das, was a reputed solicitor of the Calcutta High Court. An ardent member of the Brahmo Samaj, he was also well-known for his intellectual and Journalistic pursuits.

After receiving his early education at the London Missionary Society's Institution at Bhowanipore (Calcutta), Chittaranjan passed the entrance examination in 1885 as a private candidate. He graduated from the Presidency College in 1890. He then went to England to compete for the I.C.S.; but he was "the last man out" in his year. Therefore he joined the Inner Temple and was called to the Bar in 1894.
It was Bankim Chandra who partly influenced him in his political ideas. While at the Presidency College, Chittaranjan was a leading figure of the Student's Association; and from Surendranath Banerjee he took his first lessons in Public service and elocution. In 1894 Das came back to India and enrolled himself as a Barrister of the Calcutta High Court.
Chittaranjan’s patriotic ideas were greatly influenced by his father. It was Bankim Chandra who influenced him in his political ideas. It was not before 1917 that Das came to the forefront of nationalist politics. In that year he was invited to preside over the Bengal Provincial Conference held at Bhowanipore. His political career was brief but meteoric. In the course of only eight years he rose to all-India fame by virtue of his intense patriotism, sincerity and booming power.
He wanted "Swaraj for the masses, not for the classes". To him, "Swaraj is government by the people and for the people". An advocate of communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim unity, Das affected, in 1923, the Bengal Pact between the Hindus and Muslims of Bengal. A champion of national education and the vernacular medium, he felt that the masses should be properly educated to participate in the nationalist movement. His religious and social outlook was liberal. He was against caste-discrimination and untouchability. A believer in women’s emancipation and widow re-marriage, he supported the spread of female education and widow remarriage.
Great as a jurist, and dynamic as a leader of Bengal, Chittaranjan was a follower of Indian nationalism. In the words of Tagore, “the best gift that Chittaranjan left for his countrymen is not any particular political or social programme but the creative force of a great aspiration that has taken a deathless form in the sacrifice which his life represented".
His abilities as an advocate evoked admiration.The turning point in his career came when he was called upon to appear on behalf of Aurobindo Ghose in the Alipore Bomb Case (1908). It was due to his brilliant handling of the case that Aurobindo was ultimately acquitted.This case brought Das to the forefront professionally and politically.
Chittaranjan was the defence counsel in the Dacca Conspiracy Case (1910-11). He was famed for his handling of both civil and criminal law. Chittaranjan Das was a noted freedom fighter and social activist.
He was appointed the Mayor of Calcutta Corporation after it was formed. He attended Gaya conference of India National Congress.
During non-cooperation movement he set many examples, such as, burning his own western clothes, sending his wife and son to jail and others. He, along with Motilal Nehru and Srinivas Ayyangar, founded "Swarajya Dal" in 1922 and came out successfully in the election of 1923. He published a daily paper FORWARD. In that year he formed a pact known as BENGAL PACT with Bengal Muslim Leaders depicting "unity from the top", which he aimed at "a strange marriage" to uplift the religion-communal consciousness among the two communities.
Deshbandhu wanted "Swaraj for the masses, not for the classes." He believed in non-violent and constitutional methods for the realization of national independence. In the economic field, Das stressed the need of constructive work in villages. A champion of national education and vernacular medium, he felt that the masses should be properly educated to participate in the nationalist movement. Chittaranjan also made his mark as a poet and an essayist. His religious and social outlook was liberal. A believer in women's emancipation, he supported the spread of female education and widow re-marriage and was an advocate of inter-caste marriage.

Along with Motilal Nehru, Deshbandhu, founded the Swaraj Party in 1923. The party was recognized as the parliamentary wing of the Congress. Deshbandhu was elected mayor of Calcutta in 1924, after the Swaraj Party gained majority in the elections. During his tenure as the mayor, he brought greater efficiency to the administration and implemented many welfare projects. Chittaranjan Das later established the Deshbandhu Memorial Fund to build a temple, establish an orphanage and provide education to the masses. Besides being a shrewd lawyer, Das was also a literary person. He wrote collections of poems like ‘Mala’ and ‘Antaryami’ and ‘Kishore Kishori’. Along with another revolutionary leader, Aravinda Ghosh, he founded the famous journal ‘Bande Mataram’. He also served as the editor-in-chief of the journal ‘Forward’, which was the mouthpiece of the Swaraj party. Chittaranjan passed away on June 16, 1925 at Darjeeling at the age of 55. Great as a jurist, Chittaranjan was the greatest and most dynamic leader of the then Bengal. Above all, he was a messenger of Indian nationalism.

Dialogue with Pakistan..Need to involve the people also

by respected kuldip nayar ji..
It’s a welcome development that New Delhi has found time to hold talks with Pakistan in the midst of internal upheavals that the Manmohan Singh government faces. Foreign Secretaries of the two countries are meeting later this month at Islamabad. They talked to each other during the summit at Thimpu, Bhutan, in February but apparently found little time to pursue any topic.


No agenda has been announced so far. But from the talks Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao has had with the visiting Pakistani journalists indicates that India would like to resume the dialogue. Her statement that the bilateral dialogue was meant to bring the 26/11 perpetrators to justice may create difficulties. This has been hanging fire for two and a half years. True, Pakistan Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir has been blunt enough to say that the 26/11 attacks were “an incident of the past” as if Islamabad has already put the tragedy behind it.
I sensed the same approach when some TV channels from Pakistan interviewed me a few days ago. They said that when it had been decided between the two countries to separate terrorism from the talks, India should not get stuck at the 26/11 happenings. What they do not understand — I told them so — that there is great anger over the use of Pakistani soil for an attack on Mumbai. Had some culprits got punished or had been near to it, people in India would have believed that Islamabad was serious about the speedy trial. Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) chief Hafiz Saeed, who helped plan and execute the attacks, goes on ranting and has no full stop in his jihadi threats against New Delhi.
David Headley’s acquittal of involvement in the 26/11 attacks at the Chicago trial has come as a big disappointment to India. And the general suspicion is that the US did not want the ISI to be singled out. This seems far fetched when the US itself told us of the “involvement” of the ISI. Moreover, to suspect the US court and the jury for pronouncing anti-India judgment is not fair. Every country has its own legal system.
However, Headley has damaged the ISI enough by admitting in the open court that terror outfit Lashkar-e-Toiba got “assistance” from Pakistan’s ISI for the Mumbai terror attack. It is difficult to buy the thesis that the ISI, feared at home, is at the back of terrorists because they have killed many army men. And there is no doubt that the ISI is manned and controlled by the army. It is possible that some rouge elements in the ISI might be helping the Taliban. It is also possible that some jihad-inclined men within the army might be harming the force. But it does not follow from this that the Taliban have the support of the ISI or the army.
The case of India is different in the sense that Pakistan considers it an enemy. The ISI must have been in the picture on the 26/11 attacks. If the question before us is to normalise relations with Pakistan, we cannot ask it to admit that the ISI is an instrument in the hands of the army or, for that matter, Pakistan. We have to live with it to go further. They too have doubts about RAW, although exaggerated.
Indeed, New Delhi went against public opinion in India when it began talks with Islamabad after a long suspension. For most, it is the punishment of the 26/11 perpetrators or nothing else. But now that the dialogue is taking place, it should be part of the agenda which can cover other subjects. No doubt, the Home, Water Resources, Commerce and Defence secretaries of the two countries have met in the last one year. But there does not seem to have been any progress. It is difficult to know which country is to blame because there is no transparency.
The two sides meet and disperse often without even any cliché-ridden statement. People do not know why the Sir Creek agreement, ready to be signed, has not been signed. Nor do they know why the Siachin Glacier pact, initialed by the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, has not gone through, continuing a loss of crores of rupees to both sides every day. Pakistan has given a non-paper on the subject. What does it say? People do not know what the paper contains because only its publication would enable them to make their own judgment.
The problem with the dialogue between India and Pakistan has been that the public is kept out of what takes place during the talks. Which country took what stand and why the dialogue does not move forward from what was discussed some 60 years ago? The army is being blamed but the elected representatives, neither Zulfikar Ali Bhutto nor Begum Benazir Bhutto, could end the impasse. Conceded that there is a trust deficit, but this is at the government level. People on both sides want to normalise relations but they have not been able to do so because the governments come in their way. They are not even allowed to meet because of the visa restrictions which are so strict.
The army in Pakistan is, in fact, on the defensive after Osama bin Laden’s death. The arrests of some CIA informers indicate that the force is facing relentless criticism that it failed on Osama who was killed by the Americans in the Pakistani territory. For the first time the army has come out with a statement to point out that the attack on them was part of efforts to create division among important institutions.
This is an “unfortunate trend”, the army says in a Press release, and needs to be stopped because it is “detrimental to national interest.” So exasperated is the army that it has even said it doesn’t need the US aid which should be diverted to economic developments. Chief of Army Staff General Parvez Kayani has said that in the last 10 years the army has been given only $1.4 billion from some $8 billion aid received from the US.
Yet, the army has gone from strength to strength in defence as well as civil matters and stays crucial to any breakthrough with India. Somehow, it is not convinced that a rapprochement with New Delhi can help Islamabad to face, if not retrieve, the situation within Pakistan. History will repeat itself if no lesson is learnt from it. By now, both India and Pakistan should have realised that and become at least decent neighbours.

Inflation defies gravity..RBI moves in right direction ( a piece of news from newspaper)

The RBI and the government have chosen to control rising prices even if it means lower growth. Thursday’s rate hikes will make capital dearer. Growth requires cheap loans for industry and individuals. But high prices hurt the poor the most. Prices have risen due to high demand, insufficient production and easy money supply. In rescuing industry from recession the government gave a large financial bailout. Then came Central and state pay hikes. The job guarantee scheme and Bharat Nirmaan have lifted rural incomes. The result is a massive demand for food and consumer goods.

Since supplies cannot be increased in a short time due to industrial and agricultural production constraints, the RBI is trying to suppress demand by withdrawing excess money from the system. It is driving banks to raise interest rates. This affects industry as well as individuals taking loans to buy houses, cars etc. However, those with money in banks stand to gain. The RBI has raised the key rates ten times since March 2010 but with mixed results. Demand has slowed and hurt the realty and auto sectors. Car and home sales have plummeted. And this raises the spectre of loan defaults. In some sectors, however, there has been no impact and demand is so robust that loan disbursement is high, corporate results are encouraging and wholesale inflation is at an uncomfortable level. This keeps 8 per cent growth hopes alive. India grows as urban Indians spend and consume a lot.
Also driving up prices is oil. The government’s rising oil bill and higher cost of servicing loans will take away money needed for education, health, infrastructure and welfare. Worse, industrial slowdown means lower tax revenue. Stock prices are declining as foreign money moves out to safer destinations. Experts expect two more rate hikes of the same size. High commodity prices are hurting almost all countries and central banks all over do what the RBI is doing to fight inflation: raising interest rates.

हिंदुस्तान ........FROM MANAS MY FRIEND

अपनी अपनी बातें ना हो मुल्क ही इमान हो मेरा


यूपी भी हो बम्बई भी हो ऐसा हिंदुस्तान हो मेरा

मंदिर हो और मस्जिद भी हो, गिरजा और गुरुद्वारा भी हो

हिन्दू मुस्लिम सिख ईसाई सब में भाई चारा भी हो

सच के हो हर और उजाले, झूटों के मुह भी हो काले

अपने चारों धाम हो जिसमे, मौला तेरा नाम हो जिसमे

शबरी भी हो राम हो जिसमे, राधा के संग श्याम हो जिसमे

गीता का भी ज्ञान हो जिसमे, साहिब ओ कुरान हो जिसमे

दिल मे खाकसारी भी हो, आँखों में चिंगारी भी हो

प्यार की हो बातें लेकिन जंग की तैयारी भी हो

सच्चाई की आंधी आये, फिर से कोई गाँधी आये

झूटे जालिम संतरी ना हो, गुंडे तश्कर मंत्री ना हो

सच के ऊपर फायर ना हो, कोई जनरल डायर ना हो

जयचंदो सा कायर ना हो, झूठा कोई शायर ना हो

बिस्मिल से मतवाले भी हो, हम जैसे दिलवाले भी हो

मीर का दीवान हो जिसमे, ग़ालिब ओ अयान हो जिसमे

प्यार का पैगाम हो जिसमे, तेरा मेरा नाम हो जिसमे

दुश्मन भी मेहमान हो जिसमे ऐसा हिंदुस्तान हो मेरा

अपनी अपनी बातें ना हो मुल्क ही इमान हो मेरा

यूपी भी हो बम्बई भी हो ऐसा हिंदुस्तान हो मेरा....

उठो लाल A POEM FROM MY FRIEND MANAS MUKUL

उठो लाल अब आँखें खोलो


पानी लायी हूँ मुह धो लो

बीती रात कमल दल फूले

जिनके ऊपर भंवरे झूले

चिड़िया चहक उठी पेड़ों पे

बहने लगी हवा अति सुन्दर

नभ में न्यारी लाली छाई

धरती पे प्यारी छवि आई

ऐसा सुन्दर समय न खो

मेरे प्यारे अब मत सो

In a post-crisis world ....by M K VENU

The brahmins of the global economic order are not known to go around the developing world desperately canvassing support to get elected as head of multilateral institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or World Bank. For the Western powers were pre-ordained to run these institutions. Traditionally, it was taken for granted that a European candidate would head the IMF and the World Bank president would be an American. This was a neat power arrangement no one ever questioned in the past. So it was somewhat odd to see French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde sweating it out in Delhi earlier this week as she lobbied hard with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee for her candidature for the IMF top post in the wake of the unceremonious exit of Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Lagarde said she was determined to press for her candidature with other BRIC nations like China and Brazil too. One thing now seems clear — the West has stopped taking their past privileges for granted. Surely, that is a sign of welcome change.

Indeed, it was fascinating to see how Lagarde was pitching her candidature in the backdrop of several other names being thrown up from the developing world. BRIC nations had formally declared it was time the IMF was led by someone from the developing world. Competent candidates from Singapore, Indonesia, South Africa and Mexico are being mentioned as alternatives. However, Lagarde cleverly projected herself not as a candidate from the powerful European Union but as one who understands the need to make the “minorities feel included” in any global multilateral institutional process. “I understand the needs of the minorities because as a woman I have felt like a minority all my life,” she said in New Delhi. It was a clever way of distancing herself from the patriarchal power systems in the Western world and instead locating oneself as being on the same side as the developing world! In various interviews she made the right noises about working towards giving greater power representation to the emerging world if she became the IMF managing director. Her logic too was impeccable: “Today the United States, Europe and Japan form the bulk of the world output. In another few decades this would be reversed. So it will naturally reflect in the power-sharing arrangement in multilateral institutions.”
It is most likely that Lagarde will get elected as the head of the IMF with the support of the US. The vote share of the US and the EU put together is a little over 50 per cent within the IMF. All she needs is the support of US President Barack Obama, which she might eventually get. Besides, the developing world has not moved fast enough to put up a consensus candidate behind whom everyone could rally. Pranab Mukherjee, while making no specific commitment to Lagarde, conceded that there was no consensus yet on a candidate from the non-OECD world. Prime Minister Singh too has made a somewhat non-committal statement that the choice should be merit-based.
In a sense, it is still possible for a candidate from the developing world to seriously challenge Lagarde. Among the Asian prospects are Singapore’s Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tharman M. Shanmugaratnam and the former finance minister of Indonesia, Sri Mulyani Indravati. Reasonably good candidates have also been thrown up from countries like Mexico and South Africa. In fact, Mexican central bank chief Agustin Carstens arrived in India on Friday for his campaign.
Even if the vote share in the IMF system is currently stacked against the developing world, it may be worth pushing the envelope by putting up a credible candidate from the developing world and see if the US can be persuaded to make a break from the past tradition of supporting only a European candidate for the top job. If nothing else, the developing world must test Obama’s stated position that the multilateral institutions must decentralise power much more to reflect the new realities of the rapidly changing world economic order.
As per the IMF’s own measurement of output on a purchase power parity (PPP) basis, the share of the US, Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy is just about 40 per cent of world GDP. In fact, China, India and other emerging economies have a share of over 50 per cent of GDP on a PPP basis. It is this reality which makes the French finance minister canvass for support so vigorously.
However, this reality is not finding expression within the IMF’s functioning today because the institution remains largely Euro-Atlantic in nature. After the 2008 global economic crisis, the pressure has mounted on the US and Europe to see the writing on the wall.
In the last two years, India and other BRIC nations have, for the first time, formally made their views clear to the IMF board that the organisation cannot have two standards — one for the West and another for the rest. India and China have subtly protested about the way the world governments, who contribute to the IMF kitty, are having to bail out several perennially ailing economies in Europe on very easy terms. Asians still have bitter memories of the manner in which the IMF had drastically reduced the size of bank balance sheets and indeed shrunk the Asian economies as a remedial measure after the severe financial crisis in East Asia in 1997. Today, the IMF follows exactly the opposite policy in Europe and America. Last week, Mark Mobius, the well-regarded financial expert and investor on Wall Street, asserted that bank balance sheets in the Western world are bigger and more bloated with derivative products today than they were just before the 2008 crisis.
Mobius said the Western world might be staring at another big financial crisis in the near future. European banks still have hidden toxic assets worth hundreds of billion of dollars. Very soon, the IMF may have to be formally rechristened European Monetary Fund! It will require vision of a rarer kind to transform the IMF into a truly global financial institution reflecting the new economic paradigm of this century.

State of civil society

by ashutosh varshney
Civil society” has dominated popular discussion for the last few months. It may be hard to recall how rare the use of the term was only some years back. In 2002, when I published a book analysing the role of civil society in preventing, dampening or inciting communal riots, I was asked in a television interview whether I was overstating the power of civil society vis-à-vis the state. And in an interview with a Hindi journalist emerged the inimitably phrased query, “Yeh civil society kya cheez hai?”

From the cloistered walls of academia, the term has now fully penetrated our everyday discourse, thanks to Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev. Those working at the local level, sensitive to movement politics, or familiar with the history of Gandhian modes of political conduct, had always known the potency of civil society organisations. But, arguably, at no time in India’s post-1947 history has the storm caused by civil society been so evidently noticeable. JP’s movement was undoubtedly more powerful, but no one used the term “civil society” at that time.

When a term acquires popular currency and power, we need to be more careful about what it stands for and how we should formulate our responses to the actual phenomenon it represents. Terminological precision is routinely craved in universities. The case for such precision is perhaps greater when the stakes are so high in the “real world”.
So what is civil society? Is the distinction between civil society and political society, so often drawn, sustainable?
Hazare and Ramdev both claim to be non-political. In some intellectual circles, too, it is customary to draw the distinction between civil and political society. But this distinction is deeply implausible. It is premised upon equating politics with elections. It also implies, or openly suggests, that civil society, a middle-class phenomenon, is governed by laws; and political society, driven by elections and mass politics, is deeply compromised in patron-client deals and riddled with corruption. Civil society is virtuous; political society lacks morality.
The first problem with this formulation is that the middle-class also violates the laws. Middle-class associations and NGOs, not simply the political parties, can be dens of corruption and unaccountability.
Second, politics is not only about elections. It is also about values, visions, issues that shape political consciousness. Some of these values and issues, of course, can determine election results. Of late, I have been travelling in Tamil Nadu. While I don’t have statistics to clinch the point, my overwhelming impression is that corruption had a lot to do with the DMK’s massive election defeat. But politics does not have to be about elections only.
Moreover, there is no guarantee that the current leaders of civil society will not run for elections tomorrow. India has a remarkable history of such transitions. The Congress after the rise of Gandhi in 1920 became a movement, but it also participated in elections: provincial elections in 1937 and municipal elections before that. The Self-Respect Movement in Madras Presidency led to the rise of Dravidian political parties. After an enormously popular peasant movement in the 1980s, Sharad Joshi and his Shetkari Sanghatana ran for office (though unsuccessfully). Whether or not the Bhushans will be candidates in elections, can we be sure that Baba Ramdev will not be? Movement politics has often seamlessly morphed into election politics in the past, and might well again.

The distinction between civil and political society, thus, does not make sense. They are deeply intertwined. A more precise definition of civil society has to do with its relationship with the state. Civil society is not necessarily non-political, but it inhabits the non-state space of our life. It deploys any political means it can get to pressure the state to achieve its goals, but it is not part of the state. Indeed, the classic definition of civil society is that it is the organisational space between the family on one hand and the state on the other. In this space can exist social organisations such as Lions and Rotary Clubs, festival organisations, soccer and cricket leagues, yoga ashrams and bird-watching societies — some of which can also be used politically. But trade unions and social movements, too, are part of civil society, and they are, more often than not, explicitly political.
It is this customary and deeper understanding of civil society that has been violated by Hazare’s movement. Hazare and four others are formally part of the government committee that is to draft the Lokpal bill. That is not what civil society does. Civil society can agitate for a particular kind of law, and obstruct or promote its implementation, but civil society does not make laws. In a parliamentary democracy, the power to legislate and make laws belongs to the elected executive and legislature. Even the judiciary cannot make laws. It can judge the constitutionality of laws, exercise oversight, or push governments to make laws. But only the elected can make laws in a democracy.

This criticism can also be levelled at the National Advisory Council (NAC). It has drafted legislation on a whole range of matters: communal violence, food security, right to information, rural employment guarantee, etc. The current NAC document on communal violence is not a statement of principles and priorities — which is what civil society does. It is a detailed legal draft of a possible legislation.
Unlike Hazare, the NAC can certainly claim that it is not part of a government committee, only a council advising the leader of the Congress party. But given the rather unique system the UPA has developed, in which the prime minister is neither a professional politician nor directly elected, this argument effectively breaks down. On Hindu personal law, prime minister Nehru could take on Congress president Purushottam Das Tandon in the 1950s, ultimately forcing Tandon out. His enormous personal probity notwithstanding, Manmohan Singh simply does not have the political stature to rise against Sonia Gandhi.
At the heart of the current political impasse in Delhi lies a paradox. Without the awful decline in the legitimacy of elected politicians, brought about by corruption, civil society would not have become so powerful. But, equally, whatever the faults of India’s elected politicians, a democratic system cannot give so much power to civil society without hurting itself.
Let civil society agitate and even persuade the electorate to throw out a government that is corrupt. But law-making is strictly a function of the elected wings of the polity. If we undermine that, we attack the basic principles of a democratic political system. A movement sponsored by civil society is democratic; law-making by civil society is not.

The right debate ........on parliament being supreme

Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee was simply stating the obvious on Sunday when he said, “Parliament is supreme.” Neither did he depart from a common understanding of the scheme of things under our Constitution when he clarified that it is Parliament’s right to decide on legislation and nobody else can presume to lay down deadlines for bills to be passed. Yet, such had been the abdication of argument by the Central government, when it caved in to passive-aggressive blackmail tactics by Anna Hazare in April to constitute a joint committee of ministers and “civil society” nominees to draft the Lokpal bill, that his press conference appeared rather radical. The government took its while to join the argument, but it is good that it has finally taken the initiative.

As the clock winds down towards the monsoon session of Parliament, the Hazare group is upping its contempt for representational democracy. Hazare wants the bill, presumably his exact version too, passed by August 15, or else. The outlandishness of the demand is staggering, privileging the whims of five men over the sovereignty of a legislature that draws its legitimacy from the votes of hundreds of millions of Indians. This point has been made often enough, and most resoundingly and coherently in responses by opposition parties — from the BSP to the BJD, the BJP to the CPM. When asked by Mukherjee, in his capacity as chair of the drafting committee, about their views on aspects of the bill, they reminded him about the central role of Parliament in law-making. Draft the bill, they said almost unanimously, table it, and let the processes of the House take over. As they must. The government erred in allowing a joint drafting committee in the first place; the peace won after the

carnival at Jantar Mantar could never have been sustained, for what Hazare wants is beyond any government to legitimately dictate to Parliament. There is only so far the government could have gone in placating the Hazare team.
Yet, the submission has taken a toll on the government’s credibility. That credibility cannot be wrested back by personally taking on the “civil society” activists. It can only be won through argument and reasoned debate — on how the government proposes to address the issues of corruption that are fuelling a substantial alienation. Addressing apprehensions about the government’s commitment to institutional propriety would be integral to that.
from indian express

West by northwest ..............by c raja mohan on SCO

As External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna joins the special summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation — which is celebrating the tenth anniversary of its founding on Wednesday in Astana in Kazakhstan — there is much hyperbole about the geopolitical transformation of Eurasia.
For the orphans of the Cold War, the SCO — led by China and Russia and including four Central Asian states Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan — represents either their darkest fears or fondest hopes.
For some in Europe and North America, the SCO is “anti-West” and “anti-NATO” and is readying to establish hegemony on the Asian landmass. For some outside the West, the SCO — which has India, Pakistan, Iran and Mongolia as observers — is the dream alliance that Asia failed to organise during the Cold War but could be turned into a reality now.
For traditional geopolitical theorists, rising China has the potential to unite the heartland of Eurasia, end the centuries-old regional dominance by the Western maritime powers and make itself the pre-eminent nation in the world.

Much of this hype is rooted in the growing worldwide perception of an inevitable American decline and a relentless rise of China. The SCO summit also takes place amidst the US plans to downsize its military presence in Afghanistan starting next month and end its combat role there by 2014.
The SCO summit is expected to consider Kabul’s application to be admitted as an observer. Until now, Afghanistan has been attending the SCO deliberations as a guest. At the Astana summit, the SCO is also expected to open the door for full membership of India and Pakistan.
Some SCO enthusiasts suggest that Delhi will soon have to make a geopolitical choice — between the continental Sino-Russian entente that beckons it from the north and the Asian maritime coalition led by the United States tempting it from the south.
Amid the US retreat, the continentalists argue, India might be isolated in Afghanistan, Central Asia and beyond, if it does not line up behind China and Russia.
This is similar to the advice that Pakistan has reportedly offered Afghanistan — dump Washington, align with Beijing; forget NATO and look to SCO. But Beijing has reportedly cautioned Pakistani leaders against geopolitcal delusion and focus on mending fences with the US as well as its immediate neighbours, including India and Afghanistan.

As it rises in the international system, India is under no pressure to make immediate judgments on the shifting balance of power between a rising China and a troubled United States, let alone choose between the “crouching tiger” and the “crippled eagle”. Like everyone else, India would hedge rather than tightly align with one or the other great power groupings.
In any event, the coherence of the SCO and its anti-Western orientation are somewhat exaggerated. China and Russia, which form the dual core of the SCO, are not always on the same page in defining the strategic priorities of the organisation. Moscow cannot but be wary of the rising Chinese influence in Central Asian space that was once part of the Soviet Union.
China and Russia might be interested in leveraging the SCO to improve their bargaining power with the United States, but the Central Asian Republics (CARs) have no problem seeing through this. Some of the CARs have been pretty good at extracting concessions from America in return for hosting US military bases and facilities.
The Obama administration itself has taken a positive view of the SCO and on a recent visit to China, US assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia, Robert Blake, has called for a comprehensive dialogue between Washington and the SCO.
The US has indeed worked with Russia in developing the Northern Distribution Network, a road network in Eurasia, as an alternative to its current reliance on Pakistan for supplying international troops in Afghanistan. Washington has also urged China to take on a larger responsibility for stabilising Afghanistan.
From a pragmatic perspective, the SCO is a useful vehicle for India in the pursuit of three important national security objectives. The first is about managing the post-American scenario in Afghanistan.
While the US has the luxury of withdrawing from Afghanistan, Russia, the CARs, China and India remain vulnerable if negative forces fill the vacuum in Afghanistan.
All neighbours of Afghanistan, barring Turkmenistan, are part of the SCO in one form or another. The SCO, then, could provide the regional framework that everyone now wants for the stabilisation of Afghanistan.
The second is about fighting what China calls the “three evils” — separatism, religious extremism and terrorism. While China and India have long faced similar threats, Beijing has seemed reluctant to engage Delhi on these issues for fear of offending Islamabad’s sensitivities. As the situation in Pakistan continues to deteriorate, India must explore the prospects of deeper regional security cooperation with China within the SCO framework.
The third is the SCO’s utility in promoting economic integration between Central Asia and India. The SCO’s focus in its first decade has been primarily on counter-terrorism. At Astana, it could widen the agenda to include economic integration.
Until now Delhi could not entice Pakistan to become the bridge between India on the one hand and Afghanistan and Central Asia on the other. Could the SCO do the trick?
If the size of the Indian market provides the necessary economic pull, the SCO could provide the necessary political push in encouraging Pakistan to open its territory for Central Asian connectivity with India.
An early agreement to build the TAPI (Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) natural gas pipeline, with the full participation of Russian and Chinese companies, could be the precursor for such an integration.
The SCO may or may not achieve the many ambitious regional objectives it is setting for itself. But Krishna has every reason to arrive in Astana to push for a stronger partnership with the SCO.
The writer is a senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, Delhi